BEHAVIORAL HEALTH

Culture and Evidence: Why Native Behavioral Health Needs Evidence-Based Practice

Evidence-based practice does not require Native communities to abandon culture. Emerging models show that clinical evidence, Indigenous knowledge and community authority can work together.

Sunbeams breaking through dark storm clouds over a distant landscape
Photo: DJ Gutierrez

Native communities have long understood that healing involves more than treating symptoms.

Family, relationships, language, ceremony, cultural identity, connection to land and community all influence the health of an individual. But Native behavioral-health organizations also face another reality: programs intended to address trauma, substance use, suicide, incarceration and other serious behavioral-health concerns must be able to demonstrate that what they are doing works.

That is where evidence-based practice becomes important.

Evidence-based practice, commonly called EBP, does not mean that every Native community must adopt a Western clinical program exactly as it was originally designed.

Nor should culture simply be added to a treatment model as decoration.

The emerging lesson from Native behavioral-health research is more significant: effective programs can combine credible evidence with Indigenous knowledge, cultural practices and community control.

The Indian Health Service describes its behavioral-health work as supporting “evidence-based, practice-based and culturally-based” activities in partnership with Tribes, Tribal organizations and Urban Indian health organizations.

Those three concepts matter.

An evidence-based practice generally has research demonstrating that the intervention can produce measurable outcomes. Practice-based evidence recognizes knowledge developed through actual experience delivering services in communities. Culturally based approaches recognize that healing practices, relationships and knowledge held within Native communities can themselves be important components of an intervention.

For Native organizations developing behavioral-health programs, the challenge should not be choosing between evidence and culture.

The challenge is bringing them together.

Culture Can Be Part of the Intervention

One example is Qungasvik, a community-directed prevention program developed with rural Yup’ik communities in Alaska.

Qungasvik means “toolbox” in Yup’ik.

The program uses community-created activities intended to strengthen protective factors among young people ages 12 to 18 and reduce risks associated with alcohol misuse and suicide.

Its activities are grounded within Yup’ik culture.

Hunting, subsistence activities, relationships with Elders, family participation and other community practices can be used to strengthen responsibility, teamwork, safety, identity and a sense of purpose.

The National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism has described Qungasvik as a “culture as intervention” model.

That distinction is important.

Researchers did not simply arrive in the community with an already completed clinical program and add Native imagery or cultural language afterward.

The intervention developed through years of collaboration involving community members, cultural experts, Elders and researchers.

Testing in four rural Alaska Native communities found that young people participating in more Qungasvik activities demonstrated greater growth in protective factors associated with reducing alcohol and suicide risk.

The research has limitations. Protective factors were measured rather than direct alcohol-use or suicide outcomes.

But even that decision reflected community involvement.

Tribal leaders were concerned that directly questioning young people about suicide and alcohol use could be inappropriate or harmful within small communities.

Scientific research therefore had to respond to the community rather than requiring the community to surrender control to the research process.

Evidence-Based Treatment Can Also Be Adapted

Another example comes from Sacred Journey-Cognitive Processing Therapy.

Cognitive Processing Therapy is an established trauma-focused treatment commonly used for post-traumatic stress disorder.

Sacred Journey adapted that treatment for American Indian women experiencing PTSD symptoms along with substance-use and other behavioral-health risks.

The adaptation was developed through a Tribal-academic partnership.

Researchers and community partners changed portions of the original material, simplified some clinical language and incorporated Indigenous beliefs and community values involving spirituality, family, historical trauma, death, Elders and cultural activities.

A randomized feasibility study involving 73 American Indian and Alaska Native women in the Pacific Northwest reported promising reductions in PTSD symptoms, alcohol-use frequency and high-risk sexual behavior.

The study was relatively small, and larger studies are still needed.

But Sacred Journey demonstrates an important principle.

Using an evidence-based practice does not necessarily require delivering that practice without cultural adaptation.

There is a significant difference between changing a treatment randomly and adapting it carefully with community involvement while continuing to evaluate whether the intervention produces its intended outcomes.

That distinction should matter to Native behavioral-health organizations.

Good Intentions Are Not Enough

Community organizations frequently emerge because people recognize needs that larger systems have ignored.

That experience has tremendous value.

But experience, cultural connection and good intentions alone cannot establish whether a behavioral-health program actually reduces substance use, improves emotional regulation, decreases criminal involvement, reduces symptoms of trauma or accomplishes another promised outcome.

Those claims require evidence.

That does not mean every small Native organization needs to conduct a multimillion-dollar randomized clinical trial before helping its community.

Evidence develops in stages.

Organizations can begin by clearly defining what their program is supposed to accomplish.

They can document who participates, whether participants complete the program and whether measurable changes occur.

They can use validated assessments where appropriate.

They can track outcomes over time.

They can partner with researchers without surrendering community ownership.

Eventually, promising programs can move toward increasingly rigorous evaluation.

This distinction is especially important when organizations describe their programs publicly.

Calling something culturally grounded describes how a program may operate.

Calling something evidence-based makes a different claim.

It means evidence exists showing that the intervention has been systematically evaluated and produces identifiable outcomes.

Native communities deserve that distinction just as much as any other community.

Evidence Should Strengthen Self-Determination

There is also a larger issue at stake.

For decades, Native people have been subjected to programs designed outside their communities and implemented by governments, institutions and researchers who claimed to know what Native people needed.

Evidence-based practice should not become another version of that relationship.

Research should instead help Native communities determine what works, what does not work and what deserves additional investment.

The examples of Qungasvik and Sacred Journey show two possible paths.

One begins deeply within Indigenous culture and develops evidence around a community-designed intervention.

The other begins with an established clinical treatment and works with Native communities to adapt it appropriately.

Neither requires treating culture and science as enemies.

That may be one of the most important developments occurring in Native behavioral health.

Evidence matters because communities deserve programs that actually help people.

Culture matters because treatment separated from identity, relationships, history and community may fail to understand the people it intends to serve.

The strongest future for Native behavioral health may therefore lie neither in rejecting Western evidence nor accepting it without question.

It lies in building programs in which community knowledge helps shape the intervention, evidence tests whether it works, and Native communities remain participants in deciding what healing and success actually mean.

Questions or corrections? Contact info@nativesunmediafoundation.org.

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